Showing posts with label criminal investigative intelligence bureau. Show all posts
Showing posts with label criminal investigative intelligence bureau. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 29, 2012

West Africa Rising…in Regional Instability?


The Accidental Ecowas & AU Citizen”:
West Africa Rising…in Regional Instability?
By E.K.Bensah Jr

In 2010, Spain made sports headline news for winning both the World Cup in South Africa and having its national – Rafael Nadal – become the first man to win three straight major tournaments in the same year. In 2011, the West African state of Burkina Faso has made ECOWAS history by winning both ECOWAS’s answer to the “tour de France” (the 2nd edition of the ECOWAS International Cycling Tour which ended in Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire last week), and the top-job of ECOWAS Commission President. The new ECOWAS Head is former Prime Minister and current Ambassador of Burkina Faso to Brussels HE Kadré Désiré Ouedraogo who will serve in this capacity for four years.

If sports were ever a credible harbinger of politics and/or a country’s future, then Ghana’s loss at the Africa Cup of Nations 2012 (AFCON) probably should have been an indicator that the out-gone James Victor Gbeho departure was a foregone conclusion. Sadly, that logic is blown to smithereens when we realize that while Ghana earned 3rd position at the ECOWAS Cycling tour, it could only leave with its tail between it legs at AFCON, ending up a sorry fourth.

On a serious note, some might say that West Africa’s been in the news for the wrong reasons. Once again, we have what some might call the establishment of a geriatric leader in Senegal’s Wade seeking to entrench his gerontocracy by standing a third term. Despite the ‘boo’s he received at the polls during the commencement of the election on Sunday 26th, he remains steadfast in seeking his third term.

Neither the 150 election observers that ECOWAS dispatched to Senegal (comprising members from some of the ECOWAS institutions, such as the Council of the Wise; reps of the Community Court of Justice; ECOWAS Parliament; including legal and civil society electoral experts from West Africa), nor the AU/ECOWAS envoy Obasanjo has been able to do anything concrete to get Wade to consider his position. Truth be told, it is the former Nigerian leader—more than anyone—who has been tasked with the mandate of formulating a solution to the political permafrost. Regrettably, the only solution that has come thus far from Obasanjo has been for Wade—in the event of a win—to step down after two years.

Inevitably, the Western press is likely to have a field day (and frankly, so will African press!) that here is Obasanjo once again having failed to bring closure in 2011 to a crisis in Cote d’Ivoire and failing yet again in this instance. Elsewhere, some might have called for another envoy to have been appointed. It remains unclear who exactly appointed him as an AU/ECOWAS envoy. Although the decision was taken at the 40th Ordinary Session that was represented by the 15 ECOWAS leaders, it is unclear whether it was a consensus choice. Still, that a plenipotentiary-of-sorts was dispatched at all speaks volumes of an emerging structure that the sub-region and the AU so badly needs.

ECOWAS emerging structures and the Mali crisis
While it might not be very clear to West Africans and other observers how elections observers were sent to Senegal, what we do know is that—and something that must be communicated more clearly to deflect perceptions of inertia on development in the sub-region—it is under ECOWAS’ Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance that enjoins ECOWAS member states to send observer missions to member states conducting presidential elections ‘as part of its determination to ensure democratic convergence across the sub-region.’

Another important structure has been that of the ECOWAS Committee of Chiefs of Defence Staff(CCDS) to review emerging security threats in the sub-region. In this case, however, following the 40th Ordinary Session of the Authority of Heads of State from 16-17th February, they have been tasked to review threats that pertain to the Sahel region and the Gulf of Guinea.

There is no secret to why the CCDS is meeting. The major reason has been because of Mali, where Tuareg fighters demanding an autonomous Azawad region are reported to have attacked no less than six Northern towns in the past month. Government forces have responded with helicopter gunships and heavy weapons fire. The violence has displaced at least 55000 people, with many taking refuge in neighbouring countries.

On ECOWAS’ part, while the Authority has strongly condemned the MNLA rebellion in Mali and expressed its full support for efforts being exerted by Mali to ‘defend its territorial integrity’, the sub-regional organisation has not only called for “an immediate and unconditional cessation of hostilities by the rebels’’, but also approved the release of three million US dollars to assist Mali deal with the humanitarian consequences of the rebellion. In addition, ECOWAS has called on humanitarian agencies, as well as the International Community, to join ECOWAS to take all necessary measures that would “guarantee protection, relief and succor for the populations adversely affected by the crises in Mali and Niger.”

Regrettably, it seems like West Africa is truly rising – as far as regional instability is concerned, for there remain threats of piracy and organized crime in the Gulf of Guinea. To this end, the ECOWAS Commission has been tasked to urgently develop a holistic strategic maritime policy framework to guide future actions and cooperation – even to the extent of soliciting collaboration and assistance from the Economic Community of Central African States(ECCAS) so as to ensure that challenges have been confronted in a concerted manner.

Make no mistake: ECOWAS has what is acknowledged not just among the seven other AU-recognised regional economic communities (RECs), but worldwide, what is acknowledged to be a sophisticated Peace and Security Architecture.

If you have forgotten, allow me to remind you that at a time after the fall of the Berlin Wall when a then-timorous USA and prevaricating UN Security Council was reluctant to act in Liberia, ECOWAS got involved itself in conflict management on an ad hoc basis, thanks, according to academic Dr. Niagalé Bagayoko, “to the set up in 1990 of a sub-regional intervention force, ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)”. He continues that ECOMOG ‘acted as a buffer force in Liberia (1990-1998), in Sierra Leone (1997-2000) in Guinea-Bissau (1998-1999), in Côte d‟Ivoire (2003) and again in Liberia (2003)’. It would be in 1999, that a Protocol creating the ECOWAS Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, Peace-keeping and Security would be adopted.

Now while I may have liberally hinted West Africa is rising in regional instability, it certainly is a West Africa rising – for many more positive reasons, which will be played out over the weeks!



In 2009, in his capacity as a “Do More Talk Less Ambassador” of the 42nd Generation—an NGO that promotes and discusses Pan-Africanism--Emmanuel gave a series of lectures on the role of ECOWAS and the AU in facilitating a Pan-African identity. Emmanuel owns "Critiquing Regionalism" (http://critiquing-regionalism.org). Established in 2004 as an initiative to respond to the dearth of knowledge on global regional integration initiatives worldwide, this non-profit blog features regional integration initiatives on MERCOSUR/EU/Africa/Asia and many others. You can reach him on ekbensah@ekbensah.net / Mobile: +233-268.687.653.

Wednesday, October 12, 2011

Time for ECOWAS to Ratify the Criminal Investigative Intelligence Bureau!


“The Accidental Ecowas & AU Citizen”:

Time for ECOWAS to Ratify the Criminal Investigative Intelligence Bureau!
E.K.Bensah Jr

Central to any regional integration arrangement is what most well-known integration schemes, like the EU, call four freedoms – that of movement; capital; goods; and services. With these come security-related challenges that call into question the need to strengthen intelligence of the sub-region. With UEMOA (comprising eight francophone ECOWAS member states) using ID cards and all ECOWAS member states having adopted national ID systems, the window of opportunity must be capitalised upon by member states to really get serious in securing a sub-region.


It was not too long ago when the West African sub-region became a by-word for drug trafficking; crime; and all the attendant vices associated with un-policed porous borders. In October 2008, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime launched a report[1] that castigated ECOWAS member states for their apparently-lackadaisical approach to fighting trans-border crime in the sub-region. Member states like Guinea-Bissau had become soft spots for drug traffickers who took advantage of often-corrupt systems of governance to use that country as a conduit for onward movement of their drugs.


Three years later, the situation has changed dramatically as ECOWAS member states got serious by engaging the UNODC and other UN agencies, such as the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), the Department of Political Affairs (DPA), the United Nations Office for West Africa (UNOWA), and the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) to establish elite and so-called “Transnational Crime Units” in selected ECOWAS member states[2] to deal with the canker under the West African Coastal Initiative.


That ECOWAS has formulated a regional response through their Political Declaration of 2005 (that put forward the idea of establishing a criminal investigative intelligence bureau) has also helped to nip the problem in the bud. Truth be told, considering the fact that that the Criminal Investigative Intelligence Bureau(CIIB) had been proposed as far back as 2002 by Ghana for a meeting of the INTERPOL-backed West Africa Police Chiefs Committee(WAPCCO) in Abidjan, the challenge would have been better dealt with had member states resolved to establish the-said CIIB.


It goes without saying that while ECOWAS community citizens enjoy free movement in the sub-region, this is a region that has played host to internecine conflicts, such as the Liberian conflict of 1990 that prompted the intervention of ECOMOG. Add to that the porous border, the free movement of mercenaries, coupled with small arms trafficking and the recruitment of child soldiers and fighters to the cross-border crimes and we have ourselves a potential powder-keg that needs significant monitoring through significant systems of intelligence – as proposed by the yet-to-be-ratified CIIB.


Whither the future of ECOWAS law enforcement?
On 4 August, ECOWAS, alongside international partners, established the so-called Border Information Centres (BIC). While this is far from a holistic response to tackling crime and enforcing a rule of law in the sub-region, it nevertheless is an important step in tackling cross-border corruption and helping mitigate cross-border crime by providing citizens with transparent ways of obtaining information on free movement in the sub-region.


At the sub-regional level, ECOWAS has a number of structures that are helping rein in what might otherwise be a chaotic sub-region. These include the ECOWAS Regional Action Plan on illicit drugs trafficking, organized crime and drug abuse[3]; ECOWAS Committees of Chiefs of Security Services, and Chiefs of Defence Staff; WAPCCO; and GIABA.


Backed by the Canada-based “The Pearson Peacekeeping Centre”, the ECOWAS Committee of Chiefs of Security Services has assisted ECOWAS since May 2009 to create a committee that ensures proper communication and coordination efforts with member states on the police component of the African Standby Force and other regional security issues. The committee is now funded by the ECOWAS Commission’s regular annual budget and meets twice a year.
The ECOWAS Committee of Chiefs of Defence Staff—an exclusively military component—reviews security in the sub-region through quarterly meetings. The ECOWAS agency that is the Intergovernmental Action Group against Money-Laundering, or GIABA, is responsible for the prevention and control of Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing in the West African Sub-Region. Critical to its mandate is the “improvement of measures and intensifying efforts to combat the laundering of proceeds of crime in West Africa”.


In the final analysis, although ECOWAS might not have had the foresight of establishing a West African law enforcement mechanism (like the EU did with EUROPOL with respect to the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992) the very moment the Treaty of Lagos was revised in 1993 to reflect the current challenges of ECOWAS, it can never be too late to rectify the imperative of a sub-regional police force along the likes of INTERPOL or EUROPOL. ECOWAS's imperative and comparative strengths on peace, security, and conflict prevention ought to give it the necessary impetus to bring to fruition the belated “ECOWASPOL”/CIIB the sub-region so desperately needs.

ENDs





















In 2009, in his capacity as a “Do More Talk Less Ambassador” of the 42nd Generation—an NGO that promotes and discusses Pan-Africanism--Emmanuel gave a series of lectures on the role of ECOWAS and the AU in facilitating a Pan-African identity. Emmanuel owns "Critiquing Regionalism" (http://www.critiquing-regionalism.org). Established in 2004 as an initiative to respond to the dearth of knowledge on global regional integration initiatives worldwide, this non-profit blog features regional integration initiatives on MERCOSUR/EU/Africa/Asia and many others. You can reach him on ekbensah@ekbensah.net / Mobile: 0268.687.653.



[1] Online. Drug trafficking as a security threat in West Africa. http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/frontpage/drug-trafficking-as-a-security-threat-in-west-africa.html

[2] So far, only four selected countries of Ivory Coast, Guinea Bissau, Liberia and Sierra Leone are involved. These countries were chosen as they already have UN presences. The idea is to also extend it to Guinea-Conakry and other ECOWAS member states over time.
[3] Online. http://www.unodc.org/westandcentralafrica/en/ecowasresponseactionplan.html

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