Towards a
Continental AU Government?
By E.K.Bensah jr
When The 12th Ordinary Session of the Africa Union Assembly
of the Heads of State and Government ended on 3rd February 2009 with a call by the heads of
State for continental government, the election of the late, controversial
Libyan leader Al-Qaddafi as chair of the AU for one year helped deepen
skepticism about what some believe to be lofty ideals of a United States of
Africa.
Not a New idea
Let’s face it: the idea of a United Africa is not new. Ghana’s
own first, late head of State Dr.Kwame Nkrumah continues to remain the
quintessential pioneer of a United Africa. His call is what would stir him to
join the countries of Algeria, Guinea, Morocco, Egypt, Mali and Libya in 1961
under what would be called the Casablanca
bloc; this group believed in a federation of African states. As a
counterweight, the Monrovian bloc,
led by Senegal’s Senghor—comprising
Nigeria, Liberia, Ethiopia and most of the former French
colonies—believed that unity should be achieved gradually, through economic
cooperation.
It is fair to say that the
age-old duality of what would represent an united Africa continues to play out
in the new terms of rapidists and instantists. However, for whatever one might
think or say about al-Qaddafi, it is that he had been consistent in his dream
about an Africa with one military, passport, and one foreign policy.
What many observers had
been attributing to the Libyan leader of a continental African Union government
is in fact a follow-up of the Grand Debate of Accra in 2007.
From AU Commission to AU Authority
The idea is to establish
an “African Union Authority” that would replace the existing AU Commission.
According to the late Libyan president, it would have been a “government of the union.” According to out-gone AU Chairman, Tanzanian
Kikwete, who held the post from 2008-2009, the new Authority should have been
launched and made operational in July 2009. It will have a President and Vice
President, while present Commissioners of the AU Commission will serve as
secretaries, with portfolios structured along nine areas of shared competence.
These include free movement of persons; goods and services; international trade
negotiations; peace and security matters and foreign affairs.
In fact, in July 2009, in
Sirte, Libya, the AU Assembly did adopt a decision on the modalities of the
Transformation of the AUC into an Authority.
The
idea remains for the Authority to exercise its functions on the basis of the
principle of subsidiary with regards to Member States and Regional Economic
Communities (REC’s). It shall have competence in continent-wide poverty
reduction, free movement of persons and goods, peace and security, coordination
of common defence policy of the continent as well as coordination of foreign
policy of the continent among others.
Challenges
While there remain a number of challenges associated with this
enterprise, perhaps the two biggest sticking points find expression in the
relationship between any putative AU Authority and the regional economic
communities (RECS), as well as the legal implications of a continental
government. As regards the RECs, many diplomats are unclear what the roles of
the RECs should be, and speculate whether they should not first be strengthened
with a view to integrating them into a government. Secondly, the AU Authority
would not merely be a matter of semantics, but involve the amendment of the AU
Constitutive Act. This would certainly represent a boon to the naysayers who believe
this would stall the project indefinitely.
If the 2006 “AU study on
Union government” is anything to go by, some challenges have been identified
which require some attention if the RECs are to succeed in their
mission as building blocks towards deep continental integration.
Almost all RECs are “inward-looking” and consider their objective (economic
union or political federation) at regional level as the ultimate goal. There is
no road-map at the level of the RECs for their eventual integration into a continental
union; there are duplications of some AU organs at the level of RECs, notably
the parliament, development/investment bank, and the ECOSOC. More importantly,
there seems to be no vision in the RECs for a continental agenda.
Because of that, there is
need for the AU to take the lead in the promotion of the integration agenda at
the continental level.
Another challenge is
related to the rationalization debate that is currently underway.You may
re-call that in my earlier posts, I referred to South Sudan being member of
COMESA, and contemplating becoming a member of East African Community. If one
had a proper rationalization underway, whereby one AU member state can belong
to only one REC, South Sudan would never have even contemplated the decision of
being member of another REC.
Currently, for example,
Southern and East Africa are covered by SADC, COMESA, EAC, IGAD and CEN-SAD;
some countries belong to up to four RECs. The report maintains that “besides
the eight RECs recognized by the AU, there are a number of customs and/or
monetary unions whose mandate and work somehow duplicate what the eight RECs
are expected to do”. For example, five of the SADC members belong to the
Southern African Customs Union; while eight of ECOWAS members belong to the West
African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA) which has economic union as an
objective,and the six members of the Central African Economic and Monetary
Community (CEMAC) an organization that also has economic union as an objective,
are members of ECCAS.
These shortcomings in
terms of the objective of rational regional economic integration
notwithstanding, the logic of using the RECs “as building blocks for the
eventual deep, continental integration remains valid”, the study continues. The
challenge is “in aligning, synchronizing and harmonizing the integration
efforts of member states, the RECs themselves, and the AU”. As a consequence, “a
road-map for the attainment of deep continental integration and the
establishment of Union Government should learn, first, from the difficulties experienced
in the implementation of the two previous road-maps (i.e. the Lagos Plan of
Action and the Abuja Treaty); second, from the experience of the RECs as the building
blocks; and, third, from the past four years of the existence of the AU”.
Hence to facilitate the
Union Government project, it is important to also address the current
problems faced at the regional level. It is fair to say that while there exist
a number of protocols facilitating the addressing of these challenges, the
stages of development of the RECs vary, and are likely to slow down the
attainment of any Union government of AU member states.
you can also find this article on JOY online: http://opinion.myjoyonline.com/pages/feature/201111/76411.php
In
2009, in his capacity as a “Do More Talk Less Ambassador” of the 42nd
Generation—an NGO that promotes and discusses Pan-Africanism--Emmanuel gave a series of lectures on the
role of ECOWAS and the AU in facilitating a Pan-African identity. Emmanuel
owns "Critiquing Regionalism" (http://www.critiquing-regionalism.org). Established in 2004 as an initiative
to respond to the dearth of knowledge on global regional integration
initiatives worldwide, this non-profit blog features regional integration
initiatives on MERCOSUR/EU/Africa/Asia and many others. He is also Ag.President
of the Association of Ghanaian Journalists in ICT (AJICT-Ghana).You can reach
him on ekbensah@ekbensah.net / Mobile: +233.268.687.653.
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